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wannatakeawalkonthewildside asked:
are there more blacks in royalty other then Charlotte and dido Elizabeth belle?




African History from the Dawn of Time

The Kingdom of Ghana

The History of Tunisia (Carthage)

Black Roman Emperor Septimus Severus

List of 50 especially great Black Kings and Queens


Racism and the Rediscovery of Ancient Nubia (“Kush”, from the Christian Bible)

The Kilwa Sultanate of Tanzania

Most of the Egyptian Royalty of ever

All of the rulers from the History of what is now Nigeria

oh and


Ancient Egypt:

Archaic Period

The Old Kingdom

Intermediate Period

The Middle Kingdom

Second Intermediate Period

The New Kingdom

Third Intermediate Period


Late Period

Argead Dynasty

Hellenic Epoch / Ptolemaic Dynasty

Islamic Egypt:

Islamic Governors of Egypt

Abbasid Governors of Egypt

Tulunid Governors of Egypt

Abbasid Governors of Egypt

Mameluke Dynasty of Ikhshidite Amirs

Fatamid Caliphate of Egypt (& Viziers)

Ayyubid Sultans of Egypt

Mameluke Sultans (Bahri Dynasty)

Mameluke Sultans (Burji Dynasty)

Abbasid Puppet Caliphs

Ottoman Governors of Egypt

Mameluke Beys of Egypt

House of Muhummad Ali

Modern Egypt


Nubia / Sudan:

Nubia / Kerma

Kingdom of Kush (Nepata / Meroë)

Kingdom of Nobatia

Kingdom of Alodia

Kingdom of Dongola / Makuria

Kingdom of Dotawo

Abdallab Empire

Funj Sultanate of Sinnar

Hamaj Regents of the Funj Sultanate

Colonial Sudan (Egyptian & British)

Modern Sudan & South Sudan


Kingdom of Aksum

Zagwe Dynasty

Solomonic Dynasty

Modern Ethiopia


Sultans of Oman & Zanzibar

Omani Sultans of Zanzibar



Rustamid Imams

Abdul Wadids / Zayyanid Dynasty

Regency of Algiers (Barbary Corsairs)

Deys of Algiers

French Governors of Algeria

Modern Algeria


Cyrene (Cyrenaica)

Garamantes / Mande of the Fezzan

Roman & Islamic Libya

Modern Libya


Murabit (Almoravid) Sultans


Idrisid Dynasty

Almohad (Muwahid) Caliphs

Merinid Dynasty / Beni Merin

Wattasid Dynasty / Banu Wattas

Saadi Dynasty / Saadite/ Bani Zaydan

Alawi / Alaouite Dynasty




Roman Africa Proconsularis

North African Kingdom of the Vandali & Alans

Byzantine Exarchate of Africa

Walis of Ifriqiyya and the Maghreb

Oqbid Dynasty

Muhallid Dynasty

Aghlabid Dynasty

Fatamid Dynasty

Hafsid Dynasty

Ottoman Tunisia (Husainids)

Modern Tunisia



Kingdom of Dahomey / Dahomania

Modern Dahomey / Benin


Old Ghana / Ghana Empire /
Soninké Empire of Wagadou

Kingdom of Asante / Ashanti

Modern Ghana


Mandingo Kingdom of Kangaba

Mali Empire / Manding / Manden Kurufa

Tukulor Empire


Songhai Empire

Za Dynasty in Kukiya

Za Dynasty in Gao

Sunni Dynasty

Askia Dynasty in Gao

Askia Dynasty in Lulami / Dendi Kingdom


Benin Empire / Edo Empire

Modern Nigeria



Kongo Kingdom

Early Kings

House of Kwilu

House of Nsundi (Kinkanga)

House of Kimpanzu

House of Kinlaza

Civil War Kings

House of Kibangu for the Agua Rosada

King of Lemba for the House of Kinlaza

The Period of Rotating Houses

House of the Southern Kinlaza

Kings of Kongo

Kings of Independent State of Congo (Angola)

Modern Angola

Central Africa:

Sultanate of Dar al-Kuti / Dar el-Kouti

Sultanate of Rafaï

Sultanate of Bangassou

Sultanate of Zémio

Empire of Central Africa


Zaghawa / Duguwa Kingdom

Kanem Empire

Bornu Empire

Zobeir Dynasty

Modern Chad


Protectorate of Basutoland

Kingdom of Basutoland

Kingdom of Lesotho

South Africa:

Zulu Nation


Merina (Imernia) State

French Madagascar Colony

Modern Madagascar

wonderful resource, this.

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9 Questions About Syria You Were Too Embarrassed To Ask
The United States and allies are preparing for a possibly imminent series of limited military strikes against Syria, the first direct U.S. intervention in the two-year civil war, in retaliation for President Bashar al-Assad’s suspected use of chemical weapons against civilians.
If you found the above sentence kind of confusing, or aren’t exactly sure why Syria is fighting a civil war, or even where Syria is located, then this is the article for you. What’s happening in Syria is really important, but it can also be confusing and difficult to follow even for those of us glued to it.
Here, then, are the most basic answers to your most basic questions. First, a disclaimer: Syria and its history are really complicated; this is not an exhaustive or definitive account of that entire story, just some background, written so that anyone can understand it.
1. What is Syria?
Syria is a country in the Middle East, along the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. It’s a little smaller than South Carolina and with a population about five times as large– 22 million. Syria is very diverse, ethnically and religiously, but most Syrians are ethnic Arab and follow the Sunni branch of Islam. Civilization in Syria goes back thousands of years, but the country as it exists today is very young. Its borders were drawn by European colonial powers in the 1920s.
Syria is in the middle of an extremely violent civil war. Fighting between government forces and rebels has killed more 100,000 and created two million refugees, half of them children.
2. Why are people in Syria killing each other?
The killing started in April 2011, when peaceful protests inspired by earlier revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia rose up to challenge the dictatorship running the country. The government responded, there is no getting around this, like monsters. First security forces quietly killed activists. Then they started kidnapping, raping, torturing and killing activists and their family members, including a lot of children, dumping their mutilated bodies by the sides of roads. Then military troops began simply opening fire on protests. Eventually, civilians started shooting back.
Fighting escalated from there until it was a civil war. Armed civilians organized into rebel groups. The army deployed across the country, shelling and bombing whole neighborhoods and towns, trying to terrorize people into submission. They’ve also allegedly used chemical weapons, which is a big deal for reasons I’ll address below. Volunteers from other countries joined the rebels, either because they wanted freedom and democracy for Syria or, more likely, because they are jihadists who hate Syria’s secular government. The rebels were gaining ground for a while and now it looks like Assad is coming back. There is no end in sight.
3. That’s horrible. But there are protests lots of places. How did it all go so wrong in Syria? And, please, just give me the short version.
That’s a complicated question and there’s no single, definitive answer. This is the shortest possible version – stay with me, it’s worth it. You might say, broadly speaking, that there are two general theories. Both start with the idea that Syria has been a powder keg waiting to burst for decades and that it was set off, maybe inevitably, by the 2011 protests and especially by the government’s overly harsh crackdown.
Before we dive into the theories, you have to understand that the Syrian government really overreacted when peaceful protests started in mid-2011, slaughtering civilians unapologetically, which was a big part of how things escalated as quickly as they did. Assad learned this from his father. In 1982, Assad’s father and then-dictator Hafez al-Assad responded to a Muslim Brotherhood-led uprising in the city of Hama by leveling entire neighborhoods. He killed thousands of civilians, many of whom had nothing to do with the uprising. But it worked, and it looks like the younger Assad tried to reproduce it. His failure made the descent into chaos much worse.
Okay, now the theories for why Syria spiraled so wildly. The first is what you might call “sectarian re-balancing” or “the Fareed Zakaria case” for why Syria is imploding (he didn’t invent this argument but is a major proponent). Syria has artificial borders that were created by European colonial powers, forcing together an amalgam of diverse religious and ethnic groups. Those powers also tended to promote a minority and rule through it, worsening preexisting sectarian tensions.
Zakaria’s argument is that what we’re seeing in Syria is in some ways the inevitable re-balancing of power along ethnic and religious lines. He compares it to the sectarian bloodbath in Iraq after the United States toppled Saddam Hussein, after which a long-oppressed majority retook power from, and violently punished, the former minority rulers. Most Syrians are Sunni Arabs, but the country is run by members of a minority sect known as Alawites (they’re ethnic Arab but follow a smaller branch of Islam). The Alawite government rules through a repressive dictatorship and gives Alawites special privileges, which makes some Sunnis and other groups hate Alawites in general, which in turn makes Alawites fear that they’ll be slaughtered en masse if Assad loses the war. (There are other minorities as well, such as ethnic Kurds and Christian Arabs; too much to cover in one explainer.) Also, lots of Syrian communities are already organized into ethnic or religious enclaves, which means that community militias are also sectarian militias. That would explain why so much of the killing in Syria has developed along sectarian lines. It would also suggest that there’s not much anyone can do to end the killing because, in Zakaria’s view, this is a painful but unstoppable process of re-balancing power.
The second big theory is a bit simpler: that the Assad regime was not a sustainable enterprise and it’s clawing desperately on its way down. Most countries have some kind of self-sustaining political order, and it looked for a long time like Syria was held together by a cruel and repressive but basically stable dictatorship. But maybe it wasn’t stable; maybe it was built on quicksand. Bashar al-Assad’s father Hafez seized power in a coup in 1970 after two decades of extreme political instability. His government was a product of Cold War meddling and a kind of Arab political identity crisis that was sweeping the region. But he picked the losing sides of both: the Soviet Union was his patron and he followed a hard-line anti-Western nationalist ideology that’s now mostly defunct. The Cold War is long-over and most of the region long ago made peace with Israel and the United States; the Assad regime’s once-solid ideological and geopolitical identity is hopelessly outdated. But Bashar al-Assad, who took power in 2000 when his father died, never bothered to update it. So when things started going belly-up two years ago, he didn’t have much to fall back on except for his ability to kill people.
4. I hear a lot about how Russia still loves Syria, though. And Iran too. What’s their deal?
Yeah, Russia is Syria’s most important ally. Moscow blocks the United Nations Security Council from passing anything that might hurt the Assad regime, which is why the U.S. has to go around the UN if it wants to do anything. Russia sends lots of weapons to Syria that make it easier for Assad to keep killing civilians and will make it much harder if the outside world ever wants to intervene.
The four big reasons that Russia wants to protect Assad, the importance of which vary depending on who you ask, are: (1) Russia has a naval installation in Syria, which is strategically important and Russia’s last foreign military base outside of the former Soviet Union; (2) Russia still has a bit of a Cold War mentality, as well as a touch of national insecurity, which makes it care very much about maintaining one of its last military alliances; (3) Russia also hates the idea of “international intervention” against countries like Syria because it sees this as Cold War-style Western imperialism and ultimately a threat to Russia; (4) Syria buys a lot of Russian military exports and Russia needs the money.
Iran’s thinking in supporting Assad is more straightforward. It perceives Israel and the United States as existential threats and uses Syria to protect itself, shipping arms through Syria to the Lebanon-based militant group Hezbollah and the Gaza-based militant group Hamas. Iran is already feeling isolated and insecure; it worries that if Assad falls it will lose a major ally and be cut off from its militant proxies, leaving it very vulnerable. So far, it looks like Iran is actually coming out ahead: Assad is even more reliant on Tehran than he was before the war started.
5. This is all feeling really bleak and hopeless. Can we take a music break?
Oh man, it gets so much worse. But, yeah, let’s listen to some music from Syria. It’s really good!
If you want to go old-school you should listen to the man, the legend, the great Omar Souleyman (playing Brooklyn this Saturday!). Or, if you really want to get your revolutionary on, listen to the infectious 2011 anti-Assad anthem “Come on Bashar leave.” The singer, a cement mixer who made Rage Against the Machine look like Enya,was killed for performing it in Hama. But let’s listen to something non-war and bit more contemporary, the soulful and foot-tappable George Wassouf:

Hope you enjoyed that, because things are about to go from depressing to despondent.

6. Why hasn’t the United States fixed this yet?
Because it can’t. There are no viable options. Sorry.
The military options are all bad. Shipping arms to rebels, even if it helps them topple Assad, would ultimately empower jihadists and worsen rebel in-fighting, probably leading to lots of chaos and possibly a second civil war (the United States made this mistake during Afghanistan’s 1980s civil war, which helped the Taliban take power in the 1990s). Taking out Assad somehow would probably do the same, opening up a dangerous power vacuum. Launching air strikes or a “no fly zone” could suck us in, possibly for years, and probably wouldn’t make much difference on the ground. An Iraq-style ground invasion would, in the very best outcome, accelerate the the killing, cost a lot of U.S. lives, wildly exacerbate anti-Americanism in a boon to jihadists and nationalist dictators alike, and would require the United States to impose order for years across a country full of people trying to kill each other. Nope.
The one political option, which the Obama administration has been pushing for, would be for the Assad regime and the rebels to strike a peace deal. But there’s no indication that either side is interested in that, or that there’s even a viable unified rebel movement with which to negotiate.
It’s possible that there was a brief window for a Libya-style military intervention early on in the conflict. But we’ll never really know.
7. So why would Obama bother with strikes that no one expects to actually solve anything?
OK, you’re asking here about the Obama administration’s not-so-subtle signals that it wants to launch some cruise missiles at Syria, maybe with the United Kingdom, which it says would be punishment for Assad’s strongly suspected use of chemical weapons against civilians.
It’s true that basically no one believes that this will turn the tide of the Syrian war. But this is important: it’s not supposed to. The strikes wouldn’t be meant to shape the course of the war or to topple Assad, which Obama thinks would just make things worse anyway. They would be meant to punish Assad for (allegedly) using chemical weapons and to deter him, or any future military leader in any future war, from using them again.
8. Come on, what’s the big deal with chemical weapons? Assad kills 100,000 people with bullets and bombs but we’re freaked out over 1,000 who maybe died from poisonous gas? That seems silly.
You’re definitely not the only one who thinks the distinction is arbitrary and artificial. But there’s a good case to be made that this is a rare opportunity, at least in theory, for the U.S. to make the war a little bit less terrible – and to make future wars less terrible.
The whole idea that there are rules to war is a pretty new one: the practice of war is thousands of years old, but the idea that we can regulate war to make it less terrible has been around for less than a century. The institutions that do this are weak and inconsistent; the rules are frail and not very well observed. But one of the world’s few quasi-successes is the “norm” (a fancy way of saying a rule we all agree to follow) against chemical weapons. This norm is frail enough that Syria could drastically weaken it if we ignore Assad’s use of them, but it’s also strong enough that it’s worth protecting. So it’s sort of a low-hanging fruit: firing a few cruise missiles doesn’t cost us much and can maybe help preserve this really hard-won and valuable norm against chemical weapons.
You didn’t answer my question. That just tells me that we can maybe preserve the norm against chemical weapons, not why we should.
Fair point. Here’s the deal: war is going to happen. It just is. But the reason that the world got together in 1925 for the Geneva Convention to ban chemical weapons is because this stuff is really, really good at killing civilians but not actually very good at the conventional aims of warfare, which is to defeat the other side. You might say that they’re maybe 30 percent a battlefield weapon and 70 percent a tool of terror. In a world without that norm against chemical weapons, a military might fire out some sarin gas because it wants that battlefield advantage, even if it ends up causing unintended and massive suffering among civilians, maybe including its own. And if a military believes its adversary is probably going to use chemical weapons, it has a strong incentive to use them itself. After all, they’re fighting to the death.
So both sides of any conflict, not to mention civilians everywhere, are better off if neither of them uses chemical weapons. But that requires believing that your opponent will never use them, no matter what. And the only way to do that, short of removing them from the planet entirely, is for everyone to just agree in advance to never use them and to really mean it. That becomes much harder if the norm is weakened because someone like Assad got away with it. It becomes a bit easier if everyone believes using chemical weapons will cost you a few inbound U.S. cruise missiles.
That’s why the Obama administration apparently wants to fire cruise missiles at Syria, even though it won’t end the suffering, end the war or even really hurt Assad that much.
9. Hi, there was too much text so I skipped to the bottom to find the big take-away. What’s going to happen?
Short-term maybe the U.S. and some allies will launch some limited, brief strikes against Syria and maybe they won’t. Either way, these things seem pretty certain in the long-term:
• The killing will continue, probably for years. There’s no one to sign a peace treaty on the rebel side, even if the regime side were interested, and there’s no foreseeable victory for either. Refugees will continue fleeing into neighboring countries, causing instability and an entire other humanitarian crisis as conditions in the camps worsen.
• Syria as we know it, an ancient place with a rich and celebrated culture and history, will be a broken, failed society, probably for a generation or more. It’s very hard to see how you rebuild a functioning state after this. Maybe worse, it’s hard to see how you get back to a working social contract where everyone agrees to get along.
• Russia will continue to block international action, the window for which has maybe closed anyway. The U.S. might try to pressure, cajole or even horse-trade Moscow into changing its mind, but there’s not much we can offer them that they care about as much as Syria.
• At some point the conflict will cool, either from a partial victory or from exhaustion. The world could maybe send in some peacekeepers or even broker a fragile peace between the various ethnic, religious and political factions. Probably the best model is Lebanon, which fought a brutal civil war that lasted 15 years from 1975 to 1990 and has been slowly, slowly recovering ever since. It had some bombings just last week.
More from WorldViews on Syria:
• The one map that shows why Syria is so complicated
• The first truly heartwarming video from Syria in a long time
• Here’s why Obama is giving up the element of surprise in Syria

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Mabior Garang, son of Dr John Garang, a former SPLA rebel leader and Sudanese politician ‘The people are edgy right now. They fought the war, contributed their children, their crops, their livestock. The moment they should be paid back, the ­movement is hijacked by the ­”cut-and-paste ­middle class” – the foreign diaspora returning. They can’t institute ­policies that speak to the people. And when ­people are hungry and perceive those in power are denying them food, they will rise up.’ 
from South Sudan: Nation Builders by Zen Nelson/Institute via Guardian
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Aboriginal rights activist, Australia

This is Gary Foley. This photo was taken in 1971 during the Springbok tour of Australia. For more info about the history of the Aboriginal rights struggle, check out The Koori History Website, an amazing resource, that Gary created and read more about the story behind this photo.

forever fuckin reblog
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It cannot be assumed that the conditions of domination alone were sufficient to create a sense of common values, trust, or collective identification. The commonality constituted in practice depends less on presence or sameness than upon desired change—the abolition of bondage. Thus, contrary to identity providing the ground of community, identity is figured as the desired negation of the very set of constraints that create commonality—that is the yearning to be liberated from the condition of enslavement facilitates the networks of affiliation and identification.
Saidiya Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, 59 (via howtobeterrell)

(Source: negrosunshine)

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Below are some of my favorite quotes from the various essays in the book.
by gradientlair:
“My audacity is my fight, to be bigger than my fear. I’ve never been able to summon fearlessness by anger, even when its been a reaction to deep injustice, social or personal; instead its functioned in my life as a kind of a walking meditation, one that has driven me around the world and back.” - dream hampton
“If you mistake the traits of poverty for your personal identity, you risk being locked into a position where you’re unable to advance without betraying yourself.” - Mat Johnson
“We do not require outside help to validate or promote the existence of Black cool, not are we about to sit back and watch our cool be traded and consumed by those who have not worn the heavy cloak of the battered and beautiful Black burden.”  - Michaela Angela Davis
“I am not responsible for ‘others’ ignorance or denial about race or white privilege. I no longer carry the burden of navigating other people’s feelings. I will not be quiet for anyone else’s comfort.”   - Michaela Angela Davis
I loved this quote because I often gush about Blues music. I think it was a tiny space in time where full Black male emotionality was accepted and seen as strength, not weakness. The music is so rich for this reason.
“Black males have helped create the blues, more than any other music, as a music of resistance to the patriarchal notion that a real man should never express genuine feelings. Emotional awareness of real-life pain in Black men’s lives was and is the soul of the blues.” - bell hooks
This quote is just literary gorgeousness. I can’t lie.
“I am a diaspora chick, so my Blackness spans galaxies known and unknown, Octavia Butler style, Toni Morrison flavored. It’s a beloved kindred thing that has so many more than nine lives, but no shelf life.” - Esther Armah
And obviously, becuase I am a photographer and a Black woman, I feel a pull toward this man’s words.
“The camera became my own way of exercising my subjectivity in the world through persistent visual authorship.” - Dawoud Bey
Read this book!
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